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A carregar... Britain's Europe: A Thousand Years of Conflict and Cooperationpor Brendan Simms
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"Britain has always had a tangled, complex, paradoxical role in Europe's history. It has invaded and been invaded, changed sides, stood aloof, acted with both brazen cynicism and the cloudiest idealism. Every century troops from the British Isles have marched across the mainland in pursuit of a great complex of different goals, foremost among them the intertwined defence of parliamentary liberty in Britain and the 'Liberties of Europe'. Dynastically Britain has been closely linked to countries as varied as Spain, the Netherlands, Germany and France. In this bracing and highly enjoyable book, Brendan Simms describes the highlights and low-points in the Euro-British encounter, from the Dark Ages to the present. The critical importance of understanding this history is shown in the final chapter. It dramatizes the issues around British relations with the European Union and how, far from being a narrowly legalistic or financial concern, a referendum on continued membership raises fascinating questions- about both the United Kingdom's own horizons and what it can offer to the Union's vision of itself. Britain's Europe is a vital intervention at a moment of both great risk and great opportunity. Praise for Brendan Simms' Europe- The Struggle for Supremacy, 1453 to the Present" Não foram encontradas descrições de bibliotecas. |
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Google Books — A carregar... GénerosSistema Decimal de Melvil (DDC)327.410409Social sciences Political Science International Relations Europe British Isles with Europe History, geographic treatment, biographyClassificação da Biblioteca do Congresso dos EUA (LCC)AvaliaçãoMédia:
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The book's real problem is in its second half, which leaves dry geopolitics behind to becomes sentimental, subjective, and speculative. The trigger for this is Britain's refusal in 1889 of an alliance with Bismarck's newly unified Germany. This refusal broke with a long-standing British/English diplomatic tradition , which for centuries had tended to view Germany, or at least that geographic area, as a friend. Shortly before German unification, Palmerston supported this continuum: he wanted a strong Germany to deter Russia. Quite why this volte face occurred, or how it was justified, is not explained. This omission is curious, given that on a superficial analysis, the decision would lead to two supremely destructive World Wars and the ruin of Europe on the world stage. It is the period from the First World War to the present day which occupies the second half of the book, which is inferior in quality.
Simms' thesis is okay as far as it goes. Europe must be federalised on the American model for union to work. Such an occurrence is an event, not a process, as the Declaration of Independence reflects. There must be timing and drama and threat to make it work (or, perhaps, as Bismarck had it, blood and steel). The problem with the EU, Simms says, is that it is a process and not an event, and things such as counties/nation states/a federal Europe cannot be forged out of mere process. You need a defining event. If the Second World War couldn't do it, then what can?
Simms' believes that the constitutional model that Europe should adopt, when it finally gets around to federalisation, should adopt an Anglo-type consitution, and that Britain shouldn't be part of it. This is also okay, as far is it goes. The vital omission, implicit throughout the preceding pages, is that whenever a unifying European event has looked likely to occur, Britian has spent much men and material defeating it. There hasn't been a truly unifying European force that Britain hasn't sought to defeat, except (possibly) the Holy Roman Empire. It seems Simms' solution to this is for a federalising Europe to adopt a model that will be constitutionally likely to favour British interests. This might work, but it is politically unrealistic in the extreme. Unrealistic politics are par for the course with Simms, of course: he is the President of the Henry Jackson Society. As such it is difficult to know whether Simms is mad or bad. Probably both to some degree. His idea that Blair would have made a fantastic European president shows extreme cognitive dissonance over Iraq and the role of Anglo-US politics in European affairs. His belief that Europe should be headed by an American-style President, elected by popular vote, but without the safeguard of an electoral college, is particularly striking. Populism is how Atlanticist influence is expected to triumph over the European demos, presumably. ( )