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"Donald Trump's presidency has raised a question that many of us never thought we'd be asking: Is our democracy in danger? Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt have spent more than twenty years studying the breakdown of democracies in Europe and Latin America, and they believe the answer is yes. Democracy no longer ends with a bang--in a revolution or military coup--but with a whimper: the slow, steady weakening of critical institutions, such as the judiciary and the press, and the gradual erosion of long-standing political norms. The good news is that there are several exit ramps on the road to authoritarianism. The bad news is that, by electing Trump, we have already passed the first one. Drawing on decades of research and a wide range of historical and global examples, from 1930s Europe to contemporary Hungary, Turkey, and Venezuela, to the American South during Jim Crow, Levitsky and Ziblatt show how democracies die--and how ours can be saved."--Dust jacket.… (mais)
Este livro debruça-se essencialmente sobre o recuo democrático dos EUA durante a presidência de Trump. Para contextualizar analisa outros casos de outras latitudes e ou de outras épocas mas sempre com o propósito de explicar a situação americana. Aqui e ali os autores vão dizendo que a democracia americana não é perfeita, mas o que nunca confessam é que o facto de ser o sistema democrático mais antigo do mundo levou a que cristalizasse em moldes hoje considerados imperfeitos. Por isso, muito do que se passa nos EUA não pode servir de exemplo a outras democracias mais recentes mais modernas e mais perfeitas. Quanto a ideia geral estou de acordo a ameaça a democracia vem dos populismos que facilmente podem degenerar em fascismos e não do socialismo. Já assim foi nos anos 20 e 30 e hoje sem ameaça bolchevique ainda o é com mais certeza. ( )
Is there any democracy that you would have ranked as highly as you ranked the United States as a democracy in 2016, whatever ranking that is, that’s fallen victim to authoritarianism in your case studies?
Levitsky: No, there are actually very, very few established democracies, democracies that have been fully democratic and that have been around for, say, 20 or more years, very few of them in the history of the world have collapsed. Uruguay is one, Chile is another, Venezuela is a third, maybe Hungary depending on how you interpret it these days. But none have been as stable or as democratic as the United States.
Informação do Conhecimento Comum em inglês.Edite para a localizar na sua língua.
To our families:
Liz Mineo and Alejandra Mineo Levitsky
& Soriya, Lilah, and Talia Ziblatt
Primeiras palavras
Informação do Conhecimento Comum em inglês.Edite para a localizar na sua língua.
Introduction Is our democracy in danger?
On October 30, 1922, Benito Mussolini arrived in Rome at at 10:55 am in an overnight sleeping car from Milan.
Citações
Informação do Conhecimento Comum em inglês.Edite para a localizar na sua língua.
But two norms stand out as fundamental to a functioning democracy: mutual toleration and institutional forbearance. (Chapter 5)
Αυτό το δυσοίωνο σενάριο είναι μια ακόμα -έμμεση, έστω- επιβεβαίωση της βασικής θέσης αυτού του βιβλίου, ότι η ομαλή λειτουργία της δημοκρατίας στη χώρα μας εξαρτάται από δυο προϋποθέσεις τις οποίες συχνά τείνουμε να θεωρούμε δεδομένες: την αμοιβαία ανοχή και τη θεσμική αυτοσυγκράτηση. Το αντιμετωπίζεις τους πολιτικούς αντιπάλους σου ως νόμιμους διεκδικητές της εξουσίας και όχι ως εχθρούς, όπως και να μην κάνεις κατάχρηση των θεσμικών προνομίων σου, δεν είναι γραμμένο στο σύνταγμα των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών. Ωστόσο, αν αυτές οι δυο αρχές δεν τηρούνται, τα θεσμικά αντίβαρα και οι ισορροπίες του πολιτικού μας συστήματος ανατρέπονται.
Mutual toleration refers to the idea that as long as our rivals play by constitutional rules, we accept that they have an equal right to exist, compete for power and govern. We may disagree with, and even strongly dislike, our rivals, but we nevertheless accept them as legitimate. [...] Put another way, mutual toleration is politicians' collective willingness to agree to disagree. (Chapter 5, elisions added)
Με λίγα λόγια, το συμπέρασμα είναι πως η αντιπολίτευση πρέπει πάντα να εξαντλεί τις δυνατότητες που υπάρχουν ώστε να ανακοπεί με θεσμικά μέσα η πορεία μιας χώρας προς τον αυταρχισμό.
A second norm critical to democracy's survival is what we call institutional forbearance. Forbearance means "patient self-control; restraint and tolerance," or "the action of restraining from exercising a legal right." For our purposes, institutional forbearance can be thought of as refraining from actions that, while respecting the letter of the law, violate its spirit. Where norms of forbearance are strong, politicians do not use their institutional prerogatives to the hilt, for such action could imperil the existing system. (Chapter 5)
Public protest is a basic right and an important activity in any democracy, but its aims should be the defense of rights and institutions, rather than their disruption. In an important study of the effects of black protest in the 1960s, political scientist Omar Wasow found that black-led nonviolent protest fortified the national civil rights agenda in Washington and broadened public support for that agenda. By contrast, violent protest led to a decline in white support and may have tipped the 1968 election from Humphrey to Nixon. (Chapter 9)
Últimas palavras
Informação do Conhecimento Comum em inglês.Edite para a localizar na sua língua.
"Donald Trump's presidency has raised a question that many of us never thought we'd be asking: Is our democracy in danger? Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt have spent more than twenty years studying the breakdown of democracies in Europe and Latin America, and they believe the answer is yes. Democracy no longer ends with a bang--in a revolution or military coup--but with a whimper: the slow, steady weakening of critical institutions, such as the judiciary and the press, and the gradual erosion of long-standing political norms. The good news is that there are several exit ramps on the road to authoritarianism. The bad news is that, by electing Trump, we have already passed the first one. Drawing on decades of research and a wide range of historical and global examples, from 1930s Europe to contemporary Hungary, Turkey, and Venezuela, to the American South during Jim Crow, Levitsky and Ziblatt show how democracies die--and how ours can be saved."--Dust jacket.
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Para contextualizar analisa outros casos de outras latitudes e ou de outras épocas mas sempre com o propósito de explicar a situação americana.
Aqui e ali os autores vão dizendo que a democracia americana não é perfeita, mas o que nunca confessam é que o facto de ser o sistema democrático mais antigo do mundo levou a que cristalizasse em moldes hoje considerados imperfeitos. Por isso, muito do que se passa nos EUA não pode servir de exemplo a outras democracias mais recentes mais modernas e mais perfeitas.
Quanto a ideia geral estou de acordo a ameaça a democracia vem dos populismos que facilmente podem degenerar em fascismos e não do socialismo. Já assim foi nos anos 20 e 30 e hoje sem ameaça bolchevique ainda o é com mais certeza. (