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Mephisto

por Klaus Mann

Outros autores: Ver a secção outros autores.

MembrosCríticasPopularidadeAvaliação médiaMenções
1,0831718,697 (4.04)26
The United States utilizes a vast arsenal of foreign policy tools to induce, compel, and deter changes in other nations' foreign policies. As the quantity and quality of such activity increases, the U.S. "footprint" in such nations grows deeper and wider. The U.S. presence may range from a diplomatic mission to a massive invasion force. The United States may seek to use its presence to openly compel change in a regime's policies; it may employ its leverage to quietly induce policy modification; or it may use a combination of such strategies. And while the regime and citizens of one nation may welcome the United States and its largess, others may find such relationships a threat to the nation's honor and sovereignty. To the extent a deeper and broader foreign policy relationship (as measured by a U.S. military presence; U.S. foreign aid relationship; the discrete use of military force; and a substantial similarity in foreign policy preferences between the United States and another government) contributes to stability and friendship, U.S. interests are realized. But does a broad and deep military and foreign policy relationship with the United States always succeed in realizing these interests? Why would a cooperative relationship with the United States precipitate political and societal instability in the host nation? First, the U.S. relationship with the friendly or client regime may undermine the popular legitimacy and sovereignty of the government or interfere with local, political processes. Second, political ties with the United States often impact local economic conditions. Whether it is economic ties per se the United States is seeking to advance through opening markets, providing economic assistance, or promoting U.S. multinational corporation interests, or it is the economic spillover effects from a U.S. military presence, local market conditions are bound to be influenced by the actions of the world's largest economy within the local borders. Third, the local population may also be opposed to the broader U.S. foreign policy goals with which U.S. officials are seeking acquiescence or cooperation. Specific U.S. interests will also provoke antagonism as the populations of other states take exception to the ends or the means of U.S. foreign policy, and to their regime's degree of identification with such interests. On the other hand, U.S. foreign policy means and ends are intended and designed to promote positive relations and maintain stability in those nations with whom the United States seeks to foster amicable and cooperative relationships. A strong U.S. presence can promote multiple, positive conditions. First, to the extent that a U.S. presence promotes both internal and external security for a nation, it provides the protection and stability a state needs to develop economically and politically. U.S. friendship can deter interstate rivals from overtly aggressive behavior and can dissuade internal political rivals from sowing unrest. Second, to the extent a U.S. military presence or U.S. military aid alleviates the need for a government to expend resources on its own security, a regime is better able to utilize freed up resources on economic and social development that should further the nation's prosperity. Third, a U.S. military presence and military aid can stimulate the local economy and provide jobs for many nationals who are involved in businesses that contract with and supply the U.S. military, and can open avenues of opportunity for citizens to take part in educational, economic, and military interactions with the United States.… (mais)
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Inglês (13)  Holandês (2)  Catalão (1)  Alemão (1)  Todas as línguas (17)
Mostrando 1-5 de 17 (seguinte | mostrar todos)
Politiek en Psychologische roman. Eigenlijk een historische roman waarbij de fictieve personen toch gebaseerd zijn op werkelijk bestaande figuren; ook het plot stemt zowat overeen met een mogelijke waarschijnlijkheid met een waas van fictie. Het onderscheid fictie/werkelijkheid is hier een balanceren op een dunne koord.
Literair èn structureel meesterwerk. Doorheen heel het boek voelt de lezer dat de hoofdfiguur de verpersoonlijking kan zijn van de auteur zelf.
Het slot verhaalt de grote depressie van de hoofrolspeler wgs zijn schuld aan de dood van zijn vriend en het berokkende leed aan zijn naasten. Men voelt vaak de vertwijfeling, het schuldgevoel en het niet meer … terug kunnen keren. Het besef !
In het hele boek zijn we getuige van de afkeer en de walging van het fascisme en zeker in het slot voelen we ook het bekende depressieve karakter van de auteur.
We begrijpen dan ook de vlucht en zelfdoding ….
Zeer goed boek; een meesterwerk! Score : 5 28/08/23 GT ( )
  gielen.tejo | Aug 29, 2023 |
آثاری که درباره‌ی آلمان نازی پیش از جنگ جهانی صحبت کرده بودند و خونده بودم، برای نویسندگانی بود که بعد از جنگ جهانی دست به تألیف اثر زده بودند... اما جالبی این رمان اینه که در 1936 نوشته شده و آلمان نازی رو پیش از جنگ جهانی دوم - که سوسیال ناسیونالیسم آلمان رو به مسئله‌ای بین‌المللی بدل کرد - بررسی می‌کنه و درواقع به همین علت بیشتر یک مخالفت سیاسی داخلی ازش به مشام می‌رسه تا مخالفت با یک جریان بزرگ و شیطانی جهانی!
خوانش این رمان یه کم صبوری می‌خواد... نمی‌دونم متن اصلی اینگونه است یا در ترجمه بد ترجمه شده، اما استفاده‌ی زیاد از ضمایر، مخصوصاً در ابتدا که هنوز عادت ندارید روش متن، می‌تونه براتون گیج‌کننده باشه! همچنین به نظرم نبود ضمایر سوم شخص مذکر و مؤنث تو فارسی می‌تونست توسط مترجم یه کم تعدیل بشه، تا خواننده‌ی فارسی رو گیج نکنه. تو همون دوتا فصل اول هم با نام‌های زیادی بمباران می‌شین که خیلی ترسناک و گیج‌کننده است، اما بعد از دو، سه فصل کم کم براتون خوانشش آسون‌تر و بلکه‌ لذت‌بخش می‌شه. ( )
  Mahdi.Lotfabadi | Oct 16, 2022 |
Klaus Mann's best-known novel, written in exile in 1936 and attacking the prominent figures in the arts in Germany who had chosen to stay and work with the Nazis despite being aware of how evil the regime actually was.

Although Mann maintained that the novel was about types, not individuals, and that it should not be read as a roman à clef, everyone immediately spotted that the central character, the ambitious actor-manager Hendrik ("with a d") Höfgen, had at least a 90% overlap in background, career and appearance with the author's ex-brother-in-law Gustaf ("with an f") Gründgens. Like the real Gründgens, the fictitious Höfgen was a personal friend of Hermann Göring and his second wife, who appointed him Generalintendant of the Prussian State Theatre; was famous for playing Mephistopheles and Hamlet; a blond Rhinelander; got his start in an army mobile theatre in 1917; worked in the 20s in Hamburg where he cultivated a left-wing image; married the daughter of a prominent intellectual from Bavaria, etc. etc.

Details apart, there's only really one point at which the fictional and real stories diverge: Gründgens was notoriously gay, despite being married successively to Erika Mann and Marianne Hoppe (who were both notoriously bisexual...). Obviously, Klaus Mann couldn't use Gründgens' sexuality to attack him without (a) hypocrisy and (b) exposing himself to reciprocal attacks, so he invents an equally embarrassing sex-life for Höfgen with the black dominatrix Juliette, who eventually becomes such a risk to his career that he has to ask Göring to arrange for her to be deported and paid off.

The borrowing of Gründgens' life-story wasn't a big deal in 1936 — Klaus Mann's books weren't being published in Germany anyway, and the actor was hardly likely to go to court in foreign countries to protest at being represented as a friend of the Nazis — but it it completely overshadowed the subsequent life of the novel after 1945, when, contrary to the dark predictions his counterpart Höfgen gets to hear in the final chapter, Gründgens was able to cash in various debts owed to him by other prominent people and resume his theatrical career in the new Germany without much of a stain on his character.

It's been suggested that one of the things that prompted Mann to take his own life in 1949 was the news that a West German publisher was making plans to bring out an edition of Mephisto, which would certainly have led to Mann being involved in some very unpleasant arguments. In the event, Gründgens was able to use his considerable influence to prevent publication in the Federal Republic during his lifetime. After his death in 1963, his life-partner and adopted son, Peter Gorski, fought a legal action to suppress the novel that went all the way to the Federal Constitutional Court, which narrowly decided in his favour in 1971. It was only in 1981 that this bizarre fight between two dead men was put aside and the first West German edition appeared, by which time almost everyone who wanted one had illegally imported a copy of the Austrian or DDR edition.

The result of all this is a rather mixed message: Klaus Mann is using the text of the novel to tell us that you have to pay eventually if you make a pact with the Devil, but the historical context suggests that anyone with the right connections and enough good lawyers has a good chance of wriggling out of a Faustian pact without too much trouble. All the same, Mann's palpable anger and disgust at what is going on in Germany make this a very engaging read, and for us a couple of generations later there's also a lot of interesting period detail about the German theatre between the wars. ( )
4 vote thorold | Oct 11, 2022 |
A deserved classic that needs to be read urgently, right now; it explains how individuals can bend themselves and those around them to the will of strongmen dictators and their cliques, and of the degradation of the human soul that results. ( )
  soylentgreen23 | Mar 12, 2022 |
Not 100% sure how I feel about Mephisto. My initial thought was that I expected more. I kept waiting for struggles with moral dilemmas and choices. Instead, it seemed events were related and characters were introduced. In this regard the novel more resembled a play. Also, the conclusions and evaluations were present from the begining. We know the author's positions which were all too clearly revealed early in the novel.

All that not withstanding, the work is well written and captures a specific time and place. Worth reading. ( )
  colligan | May 10, 2021 |
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» Adicionar outros autores (58 possíveis)

Nome do autorPapelTipo de autorObra?Estado
Mann, Klausautor principaltodas as ediçõesconfirmado
Bussink, GerritPosfácioautor secundárioalgumas ediçõesconfirmado
Friedlaender, HenriDesigner da capaautor secundárioalgumas ediçõesconfirmado
Gregor-Dellin, MartinContribuidorautor secundárioalgumas ediçõesconfirmado
Smyth, RobinTradutorautor secundárioalgumas ediçõesconfirmado
Spangenberg, BertholdContribuidorautor secundárioalgumas ediçõesconfirmado
Töteberg, MichaelPosfácioautor secundárioalgumas ediçõesconfirmado
Welvaadt-Hoenselaars… J.Tradutorautor secundárioalgumas ediçõesconfirmado
Zapparoli, MarcoTradutorautor secundárioalgumas ediçõesconfirmado
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Alle Augen waren auf Hendrik Höfgen gerichtet. Alle bewunderten ihn. Er gehörte zur Macht. Er war ihres Schimmers teilhaftig - solange der Schimmer hielt. Von ihren Repräsentanten war er einer der Feinsten und Gewandtesten. Seine Stimme brachte, anläßlich des 43. Geburtstages seines Herrn, die überraschendsten Jubeltöne hervor. Er hielt das Kinn hochgereckt, die Augen schimmerten, seine sparsamen und kühnen Gesten hatten den schönsten Schwung. Er vermied es aufs sorgsamste, ein wahres Wort zu sagen. Der skalpierte Cäsar, der Reklamechef und die Kuhäugige schienen darüber zu wachen, daß nur Lügen, nichts als Lügen von seinen Lippen kämen: eine geheime Verabredung verlangte es so, in diesem Saale wie im ganzen Land.

(Vorletzter Absatz des ersten Kapitels ("Vorspiel 1936"))
"Das alles wird gräßlich enden." Er [Theophil Marder] raunte es - in welche Fernen oder in was für Abgründe schaute jetzt sein Blick, der mit einemmal eine so fürchterlich durchdringende Kraft bekam? - "Es wird das Schlimmste geschehen, denkt an mich, Kinder, wenn es da ist, ich habe es vorausgesehen und vorausgewußt. Diese Zeit ist die Verwesung, sie stinkt. Denkt an mich: Ich habe es gerochen. Mich täuscht man nicht. Ich spüre die Katastrophe, die sich vorbereitet. Sie wird beispiellos sein. Sie wird alle verschlingen, und um keinen wird es schade sein, außer um mich. Alles, was steht, wird zerbersten. Es ist morsch. Ich habe es befühlt, geprüft und verworfen. Wenn es stürzt, wird es uns alle begraben. Ihr tut mir leid, Kinder, denn ihr werdet euer Leben nicht leben dürfen. Ich aber habe ein schönes Leben gehabt."

(Aus dem dritten Kapitel ("Knorke"))
Wehe, dieses Land ist beschmutzt, und niemand weiß, wann es wieder rein werden darf - durch welche Buße und durch welch gewaltigen Beitrag zum Glück der Menschheit wird es sich entsühnen können von so riesiger Schande? Mit dem Blut und den Tränen spritzt der Dreck von allen Straßen aller seiner Städte. Was schön gewesen ist, wurde niedergeschrien von der Lüge.
Die dreckige Lüge maßt sich die Macht an in diesem Lande. Sie brüllt in den Versammlungssälen, aus den Mikrophonen, aus den Spalten der Zeitungen, von der Filmleinwand. Sie reißt das Maul auf, und aus ihrem Rachen kommt ein Gestank wie von Eiter und Pestilenz: der vertreibt viele Menschen aus diesem Lande, wenn sie aber gezwungen sind zu bleiben, dann ist das Land ein Gefängnis für sie geworden - ein Kerker, in dem es stinkt.

(Beginn des siebten Kapitels ("Der Pakt mit dem Teufel"))
"[...] Ja, ich liebe die Katastrophe", sagt Pelz, wobei er sein Antlitz mit den melancholisch hängenden Wangen nach vorne neigte und lächelte, als schmeckten seine dicken Lippen Süßigkeiten oder Küsse. "Ich bin begierig auf die tödlichen Abenteuer, auf den Abgrund, auf das Erlebnis der extremen Situation, die den Menschen außerhalb der zivilisatorischen Bindungen stellt, in jene Gegend, wo keine Versicherungsgesellschaft, keine Polizei, kein komfortables Lazarett ihn mehr schützen vor dem unbarmherzigen Zugriff der Elemente und eines raubtierhaften Feindes. Wir werden dies alles erleben, verlassen Sie sich darauf, wir werden Schaerliches genießen, mir kann es gar nicht schaurig genug sein."

(Aus dem neunten Kapitel ("In vielen Städten"))
Hendrik, dem das Gespräch peinlich war, murmelte noch: "Armer Otto!" - um doch irgend etwas zu erwidern.
Sie versetzte schneidend: "Wieso - arm?" Und fügte hinzu: "Er ist für die Sache gestorben, die ihm die richtige schien. Er ist vielleicht zu beneiden." Nach einer Pause sprach sie träumerisch: "Ich will Marder schreiben und ihm von Ottos Tod erzählen. Marder bewundert Menschen, die ihr Leben für eine idée fixe aufs Spiel setzen. [...] Vielleicht wird er finden, daß dieser Ulrichs eine Persönlichkeit gewesen ist und Disziplin besessen hat." Hendrik machte eine ungeduldige Handbewegung. "Otto war gar keine besondere Persönlichkeit", sagte er. "Er war ein einfacher Mensch - ein einfacher Soldat der großen Sache ..."

(Aus dem zehnten Kapitel ("Die Drohung")
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The United States utilizes a vast arsenal of foreign policy tools to induce, compel, and deter changes in other nations' foreign policies. As the quantity and quality of such activity increases, the U.S. "footprint" in such nations grows deeper and wider. The U.S. presence may range from a diplomatic mission to a massive invasion force. The United States may seek to use its presence to openly compel change in a regime's policies; it may employ its leverage to quietly induce policy modification; or it may use a combination of such strategies. And while the regime and citizens of one nation may welcome the United States and its largess, others may find such relationships a threat to the nation's honor and sovereignty. To the extent a deeper and broader foreign policy relationship (as measured by a U.S. military presence; U.S. foreign aid relationship; the discrete use of military force; and a substantial similarity in foreign policy preferences between the United States and another government) contributes to stability and friendship, U.S. interests are realized. But does a broad and deep military and foreign policy relationship with the United States always succeed in realizing these interests? Why would a cooperative relationship with the United States precipitate political and societal instability in the host nation? First, the U.S. relationship with the friendly or client regime may undermine the popular legitimacy and sovereignty of the government or interfere with local, political processes. Second, political ties with the United States often impact local economic conditions. Whether it is economic ties per se the United States is seeking to advance through opening markets, providing economic assistance, or promoting U.S. multinational corporation interests, or it is the economic spillover effects from a U.S. military presence, local market conditions are bound to be influenced by the actions of the world's largest economy within the local borders. Third, the local population may also be opposed to the broader U.S. foreign policy goals with which U.S. officials are seeking acquiescence or cooperation. Specific U.S. interests will also provoke antagonism as the populations of other states take exception to the ends or the means of U.S. foreign policy, and to their regime's degree of identification with such interests. On the other hand, U.S. foreign policy means and ends are intended and designed to promote positive relations and maintain stability in those nations with whom the United States seeks to foster amicable and cooperative relationships. A strong U.S. presence can promote multiple, positive conditions. First, to the extent that a U.S. presence promotes both internal and external security for a nation, it provides the protection and stability a state needs to develop economically and politically. U.S. friendship can deter interstate rivals from overtly aggressive behavior and can dissuade internal political rivals from sowing unrest. Second, to the extent a U.S. military presence or U.S. military aid alleviates the need for a government to expend resources on its own security, a regime is better able to utilize freed up resources on economic and social development that should further the nation's prosperity. Third, a U.S. military presence and military aid can stimulate the local economy and provide jobs for many nationals who are involved in businesses that contract with and supply the U.S. military, and can open avenues of opportunity for citizens to take part in educational, economic, and military interactions with the United States.

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