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Neither Settler nor Native: The Making and Unmaking of Permanent Minorities

por Mahmood Mamdani

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602432,991 (3.83)3
Making the radical argument that the nation-state was born of colonialism, this book calls us to rethink political violence and reimagine political community beyond majorities and minorities.In this genealogy of political modernity, Mahmood Mamdani argues that the nation-state and the colonial state created each other. In case after case around the globefrom the New World to South Africa, Israel to Germany to Sudanthe colonial state and the nation-state have been mutually constructed through the politicization of a religious or ethnic majority at the expense of an equally manufactured minority.The model emerged in North America, where genocide and internment on reservations created both a permanent native underclass and the physical and ideological spaces in which new immigrant identities crystallized as a settler nation. In Europe, this template would be used by the Nazis to address the Jewish Question, and after the fall of the Third Reich, by the Allies to redraw the boundaries of Eastern Europes nation-states, cleansing them of their minorities. After Nuremberg the template was used to preserve the idea of the Jews as a separate nation. By establishing Israel through the minoritization of Palestinian Arabs, Zionist settlers followed the North American example. The result has been another cycle of violence.Neither Settler nor Native offers a vision for arresting this historical process. Mamdani rejects the criminal solution attempted at Nuremberg, which held individual perpetrators responsible without questioning Nazism as a political project and thus the violence of the nation-state itself. Instead, political violence demands political solutions: not criminal justice for perpetrators but a rethinking of the political community for all survivorsvictims, perpetrators, bystanders, beneficiariesbased on common residence and the commitment to build a common future without the permanent political identities of settler and native. Mamdani points to the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa as an unfinished project, seeking a state without a nation.… (mais)
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Not an easy read - the book is full of subtle nuances and allusions. Some of the ideas are quite disruptive of the middle-class liberal values we have come to espouse under the influence of Nehruvism (for instance). In common with many other so-called post-modernist or post-liberal writers, this author also seems to be enjoying both worlds - a successful academic career in the enlightened west, while critiquing (or criticising?) the very values that provide them the freedom and tolerance to be frank and outspoken. One of his main points is that state violence should not be laid at the doors of individual actors and state servants, but must instead be treated as political crimes. The Nurenberg types of post-upheaval trials does not lead to the rooting out of the cause of the violence and cruelty, as the entire thing is pinned on a few individuals who are punished as scapegoats. Another point he makes is that the "nation" needs to be replaced by a non-partisan, secular state with no moorings in concepts of ethnicity, culture, religion, language etc. He commends the example of South Africa, where they avoided making either party the accused for the past under apartheid, so that both perpetrators and victims could come together as 'adversaries' in a viable political system, rather than as 'enemies' locked in a zero-sum fight. This example is contrasted with the US in respect of its Native American population, and Israel of the native Palestinians. One weakness of his arguments against the 'rule-of-law' approach in dealing with political crimes, is that the consensus in South Africa could well break down if a local demagogue arises and destroys the social contract between different ethnic groups. Indeed the subcontinent could well be taken up as a study of the relative merits of the idealistic, constitutional approach to other, more political, coalitional approaches, as the two successor states have gone about their business in such contrasting modes. ( )
  Dilip-Kumar | Jan 2, 2022 |
An ambitious, penetrating book that made some bold claims. It introduced me to the centuries of dispossession of Native Americans, the denazification process in Germany, the emergence and resistance to apartheid in South Africa, and the stranglehold of the British colonial scheme on Sudan and South Sudan.

On the Israel section — I mostly agreed with his argument but had some questions about his phrasing and argumentation. For example, Mamdani argues that Palestinians rebelled against the exclusionary Jewish nature of immigration — what he'd referred to as the "settler" nature — but then they also opposed any immigration, even during WWII, which is sus.

Mamdani sees the nation-state as a driver of ethnic cleansing, rather than as the protective apparatus that the 1648 Westphalia treaty conceived it as. For example, he brings up the ethnic cleansing of Germans after WWII — half a million dead, millions more expelled — as evidence that the desire to make a homogeneous Europe necessitated atrocities, not unlike the Nakba that a homogeneous Jewish state demanded. But that is an obvious observation.

One central formulation — that the nation-state can never truly be democratic since it presupposes a permanent majority — never really grapples with democratic nation-states like Japan, with naturally permanent majorities. Some of the writer's solutions also seemed slapped on or perhaps shortsighted, like apportioning some fixed representation for Native Americans as a political route to decolonization, even a state of their own — precisely the sort of tribalization that happened in South Sudan? A sort of approximation of a nation state?

Denazification to Mamdani was a failed process because it handled "big" Nazis as individual criminals — he thinks the antifascist forces should have led the internal reckoning, rather than the big powers exacting a "victor's justice". But what would that internal reckoning look like? And why were these processes mutually exclusive? There is some element of counterfactual history here.

( )
  Gadi_Cohen | Sep 22, 2021 |
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Making the radical argument that the nation-state was born of colonialism, this book calls us to rethink political violence and reimagine political community beyond majorities and minorities.In this genealogy of political modernity, Mahmood Mamdani argues that the nation-state and the colonial state created each other. In case after case around the globefrom the New World to South Africa, Israel to Germany to Sudanthe colonial state and the nation-state have been mutually constructed through the politicization of a religious or ethnic majority at the expense of an equally manufactured minority.The model emerged in North America, where genocide and internment on reservations created both a permanent native underclass and the physical and ideological spaces in which new immigrant identities crystallized as a settler nation. In Europe, this template would be used by the Nazis to address the Jewish Question, and after the fall of the Third Reich, by the Allies to redraw the boundaries of Eastern Europes nation-states, cleansing them of their minorities. After Nuremberg the template was used to preserve the idea of the Jews as a separate nation. By establishing Israel through the minoritization of Palestinian Arabs, Zionist settlers followed the North American example. The result has been another cycle of violence.Neither Settler nor Native offers a vision for arresting this historical process. Mamdani rejects the criminal solution attempted at Nuremberg, which held individual perpetrators responsible without questioning Nazism as a political project and thus the violence of the nation-state itself. Instead, political violence demands political solutions: not criminal justice for perpetrators but a rethinking of the political community for all survivorsvictims, perpetrators, bystanders, beneficiariesbased on common residence and the commitment to build a common future without the permanent political identities of settler and native. Mamdani points to the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa as an unfinished project, seeking a state without a nation.

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