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A Brief History of Neoliberalism por David…
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A Brief History of Neoliberalism (original 2005; edição 2007)

por David Harvey (Autor)

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8481219,841 (4.01)5
Neoliberalism - the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action - has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so.Its spread has depended upon a reconstitution of state powers such that privatization, finance, and market processes are emphasized. State interventions in the economy are minimized, while the obligations of the state to provide for the welfare of its citizens are diminished. David Harvey, author of'The New Imperialism' and 'The Condition of Postmodernity', here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. While Thatcher and Reagan are often cited as primary authors of this neoliberal turn, Harvey shows how a complex offorces, from Chile to China and from New York City to Mexico City, have also played their part. In addition he explores the continuities and contrasts between neoliberalism of the Clinton sort and the recent turn towards neoconservative imperialism of George W. Bush. Finally, through criticalengagement with this history, Harvey constructs a framework not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.… (mais)
Membro:yuef3i
Título:A Brief History of Neoliberalism
Autores:David Harvey (Autor)
Informação:Oxford University Press (2007), 254 pages
Colecções:A sua biblioteca
Avaliação:
Etiquetas:to-read

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A Brief History of Neoliberalism por David Harvey (2005)

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Wow, what a helpful introduction to the history of neoliberalism. This book introduces the concept, traces a theory of its origin, and then details its emergence and eventual hegemony from the Seventies to Nineties.

I never knew the extent to which capitalists banded together as a unified class in the Seventies to secure their economic and political power in response to anti-establishment struggles. Harvey demonstrates how think tanks, business associations, and propaganda efforts went hard during that period, successfully exploiting the stagflation crisis and malaise of the Seventies to take the reins back from Keynesianism. Harvey is known for foregrounding economics in the birth of neoliberalism, in contrast to Foucault and his followers, who argue its an evolution of liberal governmentality.

That said, I have a problem with his theory about neoliberalism’s birth from the Sixties. Like a Marxist would, he sets up a dichotomy between two allegedly contradictory threads running through the period: social justice and individual freedom. Social justice requires working towards the interests of the group and other people, which allegedly requires submerging individual desires. Because the Sixties hosted both threads, and they emerged from dissatisfaction with the bureaucratic society built by the New Deal, the capitalists were able to use the desire for individual freedom to build consensus for neoliberalism. By framing it that the individual as consumer and producer should be free to pursue their own interests without permission from the group, they were able to make neoliberal ideas alluring.

Here’s what I think of that. There’s no way we’re going to build a better world without people being free to pursue their own desires and interests. Short of converting us all to zealots as SJWs try to do, most of us are not going to fight hard and take risks for the sake of other people, especially for a group we don’t belong to. Some of us will, sure, but most won’t. And I’d argue that those who did fight hard for others also had personal investment in whatever social change they were fighting for. The key here is to find ways of combining social and personal liberation, not heralding the former at the expense of the latter.

Additionally, it’s just not true that neoliberalism used individual desire and not social justice. Individual desire is not a cohesive enough glue to keep society together. That’s why Reagan rode in on the back of nationalism and religious conservatism and Thatcher benefited from it as well. Neoliberalism needs its own brand of “social justice”, however much we may disagree with its definition of the concept.

Now that I’ve vented my anarchist ire, I’ll say that this book is an important history for understanding the time we’re living in. I recommend it to everyone.
( )
1 vote 100sheets | Jun 7, 2021 |
Instructive and important even if you already have a good understanding of the material. Prescient for its time. ( )
  JeremyBrashaw | May 30, 2021 |
A really thorough investigation and description of neoliberalism that helped me understand it as a body, rather than a cloak with a name. More later, probably. But still worth reading.

I’m not referring to my notes, so these are impressions. The book traces the history and impact of neoliberal policies from its theoretical beginnings in the 50s and 60s and the first inklings of its ideals in the fallout of the great depression in the 30s. It sets up the theoretical position of neoliberalism historically, which I liked. It’s very easy to read, the explanations are succinct and most of the required concepts are introduced pretty well (thought I had read *Debt* a few months ago so I may be more economically primed than I usually am). Then it starts discussing the impact of that theoretical position and how the people who implemented it sought and got their power, and what they did with it. You already know a lot of neoliberalism’s impact in the US and the UK if you’ve watched “Hypernormalisation” and all the other Adam Curtis films (which you should!), but probably not in this detail. What you probably don’t know about are the details of other countries’ histories with it, and the impact the end of the Bretton Woods policy had, though you’ve probably heard of some of the social consequences through authoritarianism and village slaughter.

The book is decidedly against neoliberalism both for its consequences and its theoretical faults. It feels like it’s written by that strain of liberal who champions FDR as the greatest president, who seeks a reconciliation between democratic socialism and liberal humanism. (I have no idea; I know the author publishes a lot but this is the only thing of his I’ve read.)

Anyway, it’s a really good book and if you’ve ever wondered what someone meant when they said the word “neoliberal,” my prescription is to watch some Adam Curtis films, then if you’re still interested, read this book. Or maybe the other way around if you can’t stand his tone. Either way, both make a meal. ( )
  jtth | May 4, 2020 |
"US leaders have, with considerable domestic public support, projected upon the world the idea that American neoliberal values of freedom are universal and supreme, and that such values are to die for. The world is in a position to reject that imperialist gesture and refract back into the heartland of neoliberal and neoconservative capitalism a completely different set of values: those of an open democracy dedicated to the achievement of social equality coupled with economic, political, and cultural justice. Roosevelt's arguments are one place to start. Within the US an alliance has to be built to regain popular control of the state apparatus and to thereby advance the deepening rather than the evisceration of democratic practices and values under the juggernaut of market power."

This is as clear and concise an account of how neoliberalism has developed and taken hold of our political and economic landscape from the 1970s to the present as any could ask for. David Harvey is such a clear and compelling writer that the ideas in this book come across effortlessly without becoming overly simplistic.

This book actually prefigures our economic collapse (it was written in 2005) and yet it describes our current state with pinpoint accuracy:

"On the one hand [US nationalism] presumes that it is the God-given (and the religious invocation is deliberate) manifest destiny of the US to be the greatest power on earth (if not number one in everything from baseball to the Olympics) and that, as a beacon of freedom, liberty, and progress, it has been and continues to be universally admired and considered worthy of emulation. Everyone, it is said, wants to either live in or be like the US. The US therefore benevolently and generously gives freely of its resources and its values and culture to the rest of the world, in the cause of conferring the privilege of Americanization and American values on all and sundry. But US nationalism also has a darker side in which paranoia about fearful threats from enemies and evil forces from outside take over. The fear is of foreigners and of immigrants, of outside agitators, and now, of course, of 'terrorists'. This leads to the internal circling of wagons and the closing down of civil liberties and freedoms in episodes like the persecution of anarchists in the 1920s, the McCarthyism of the 1950s directed against communists and their sympathizers, the paranoid style of Richard Nixon towards opponents of the Vietnam War and, since 9/11, the tendency to characterize all critics of administration policies as aiding and abetting the enemy. This kind of nationalism easily fuses with racism (most particularly now towards Arabs), the restriction of civil liberties (the Patriot Act), the curbing of press freedoms (the gaoling of journalists for not revealing their sources), and the embrace of incarceration and the death penalty to deal with malfeasance."

Sorry for the long quotes. Needless to say I find this book to be quotable and, quite honestly, important for everyone to read.

Everyone should read this book and engage with Harvey's ideas. The fate of our society depends on it. ( )
  Adrian_Astur_Alvarez | Dec 3, 2019 |
"US leaders have, with considerable domestic public support, projected upon the world the idea that American neoliberal values of freedom are universal and supreme, and that such values are to die for. The world is in a position to reject that imperialist gesture and refract back into the heartland of neoliberal and neoconservative capitalism a completely different set of values: those of an open democracy dedicated to the achievement of social equality coupled with economic, political, and cultural justice. Roosevelt's arguments are one place to start. Within the US an alliance has to be built to regain popular control of the state apparatus and to thereby advance the deepening rather than the evisceration of democratic practices and values under the juggernaut of market power."

This is as clear and concise an account of how neoliberalism has developed and taken hold of our political and economic landscape from the 1970s to the present as any could ask for. David Harvey is such a clear and compelling writer that the ideas in this book come across effortlessly without becoming overly simplistic.

This book actually prefigures our economic collapse (it was written in 2005) and yet it describes our current state with pinpoint accuracy:

"On the one hand [US nationalism] presumes that it is the God-given (and the religious invocation is deliberate) manifest destiny of the US to be the greatest power on earth (if not number one in everything from baseball to the Olympics) and that, as a beacon of freedom, liberty, and progress, it has been and continues to be universally admired and considered worthy of emulation. Everyone, it is said, wants to either live in or be like the US. The US therefore benevolently and generously gives freely of its resources and its values and culture to the rest of the world, in the cause of conferring the privilege of Americanization and American values on all and sundry. But US nationalism also has a darker side in which paranoia about fearful threats from enemies and evil forces from outside take over. The fear is of foreigners and of immigrants, of outside agitators, and now, of course, of 'terrorists'. This leads to the internal circling of wagons and the closing down of civil liberties and freedoms in episodes like the persecution of anarchists in the 1920s, the McCarthyism of the 1950s directed against communists and their sympathizers, the paranoid style of Richard Nixon towards opponents of the Vietnam War and, since 9/11, the tendency to characterize all critics of administration policies as aiding and abetting the enemy. This kind of nationalism easily fuses with racism (most particularly now towards Arabs), the restriction of civil liberties (the Patriot Act), the curbing of press freedoms (the gaoling of journalists for not revealing their sources), and the embrace of incarceration and the death penalty to deal with malfeasance."

Sorry for the long quotes. Needless to say I find this book to be quotable and, quite honestly, important for everyone to read.

Everyone should read this book and engage with Harvey's ideas. The fate of our society depends on it. ( )
  Adrian_Astur_Alvarez | Dec 3, 2019 |
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Neoliberalismus bedeutet kurz und knapp: Finanzmärkte über alles. (S. 45)

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Neoliberalism - the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action - has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so.Its spread has depended upon a reconstitution of state powers such that privatization, finance, and market processes are emphasized. State interventions in the economy are minimized, while the obligations of the state to provide for the welfare of its citizens are diminished. David Harvey, author of'The New Imperialism' and 'The Condition of Postmodernity', here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. While Thatcher and Reagan are often cited as primary authors of this neoliberal turn, Harvey shows how a complex offorces, from Chile to China and from New York City to Mexico City, have also played their part. In addition he explores the continuities and contrasts between neoliberalism of the Clinton sort and the recent turn towards neoconservative imperialism of George W. Bush. Finally, through criticalengagement with this history, Harvey constructs a framework not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.

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